Noun Phrases and Nominalization in Basque: Syntax and by Urtzi Etxeberria, Ricardo Etxepare, Myriam Uribe-Etxebarria

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By Urtzi Etxeberria, Ricardo Etxepare, Myriam Uribe-Etxebarria

This collective quantity on nominal expressions in Basque, a language isolate with out recognized family members, includes unique papers at the syntactic constitution and the translation of either Noun words and nominalization structures – a historically ignored point of Basque linguistics. The minute awareness to houses and paradigms formerly neglected, and the analyses of them within the mild of contemporary advances in syntactic concept make this publication a beneficial device for syntacticians, semanticists and morphologists. This paintings fills a niche within the theoretical learn of Basque, and the richness of knowledge provided makes it fascinating for any researcher from no matter what specific theoretical persuasion. This quantity is principally worthy for researchers, graduate scholars, and complicated undergraduate scholars of comparative grammar, typology, and theoretical linguistics.

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Give account’), min eman ‘cause pain’, su eman ‘set fire’; c. izan/eduki ‘have’: arrazoi izan ‘be right’ (lit. ‘have reason’), gorroto izan ‘hate’, min izan ‘have pain’ In most cases, these verbs behave as in examples (34) above: in the neutral order, the NP complement is stacked to the right inside VP as its innermost complement (=39a–b), even with manner verbs (=40a–b), which superficially are the modifiers closest to the verb in Basque (Elordieta 2001, Vicente 2008); but when the verb is fronted in focus- and wh-movement, these NPs are left behind (c–d examples): (39) a.

Finally, coordination data also suggest that personal pronouns are of category D. As shown by Euskaltzaindia (1994), two DPs with a lexically filled D cannot be coordinated if the second bears a case-mark or a postpositional ending; coordination is possible, however, if the first conjunct is a determinerless (hence possibly a bare NP) constituent: (24) a. *[nagusi-a eta langile-e-i] mintzatu zitzaien. boss-art and worker-pl-d talk aux ‘He talked to the boss and the workers’ (Euskaltzaindia 1994: 42) b.

E. genitive phrases (cf. data in (5)), analyzed in Goenaga as adjuncts, can now be viewed as specifiers of the D projection, in line with Abney’s original proposal. The DP Hypothesis leaves some other problems unresolved, however. Among these, we may cite the following: a. it is not at all clear how quantifiers fit in the picture, given that some are prenominal and some postnominal. If quantifiers stand in the [spec, N’] position (cf. Abney’s original position), why do we still find some postnominal quantifiers, some of which can co-occur with demonstratives and articles, possibly in the D position?

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