By Paul Christopher Johnson
Through becoming a member of a diaspora, a society might start to swap its non secular, ethnic, or even racial identifications by means of rethinking its ''pasts.'' This pioneering multisite ethnography explores how this phenomenon is affecting the striking faith of the Garifuna, traditionally referred to as the Black Caribs, from the important American coast of the Caribbean. it's expected that one-third of the Garifuna have migrated to manhattan urban during the last fifty years. Paul Christopher Johnson compares Garifuna spirit ownership rituals played in Honduran villages with these carried out in ny, and what emerges is a compelling photo of the way the Garifuna have interaction ancestral spirits throughout a number of diasporic horizons. His learn sheds new mild at the methods diasporic religions worldwide creatively plot itineraries of spatial reminiscence that straight away get well and remold their histories.
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Extra resources for Diaspora Conversions: Black Carib Religion and the Recovery of Africa
But at least we can be clear about the theoretical issues that drive the parsing and arrangement of what we describe, and can hold the relative distinction of descriptive and analytical objectives as an ideal, marking each discursive arena, and the shifts from one to the other, in our rhetorical style (Proudfoot 1985). Structure of the Book The book follows a trajectory of theory (chapter 1), history (chapter 2), and ethnography (chapters 3 through 7), before returning to a theoretical frame (conclusion).
The burgeoning evangelical affiliations provide a specifically religious route of modernity. Through hi-tech sound systems, formal dress codes, and aggressive, charismatic preaching styles, the new churches emulate, and are often funded and seeded by, evangelical churches in the United States. Even those who did not leave or convert to evangelical Protestantism began to dwell in a global imaginary of broadcasts from Miami, Mexico City, and Rio de Janeiro, because all households acquired televisions.
I conducted extended fieldwork in two different villages in Honduras—Corozal and San Juan—and visited others, especially Triunfo de la Cruz and Trujillo, for specific ritual events. My focus was especially, though not solely, on three- to four-month periods of fieldwork during the summers from 1997 to 2003, though I also conducted fieldwork through the winter in 2000. Summer is the “ritual season” in Garifuna villages, as the presence of returning migrants is necessary both for full family assemblies and for the funding of rituals.