Clause Structure and Word Order in Hebrew and Arabic: An by Ur Shlonsky

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By Ur Shlonsky

Shlonsky makes use of Chomsky's executive and Binding method of research clausal structure and verb move in Hebrew and a number of other kinds of Arabic. He establishes a syntactic research of Hebrew after which extends that evaluation to sure elements of Arabic clausal syntax. via this comparative lens of Hebrew, Shlonsky hopes to solve a few difficulties in Arabic syntax. His effects generate a few novel and significant conclusions in regards to the styles of negations, verb circulation, the character of participles, and the gamut of positions on hand to clausal matters in either languages.

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Extra info for Clause Structure and Word Order in Hebrew and Arabic: An Essay in Comparative Semitic Syntax (Oxford Studies in Comparative Syntax)

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Gum b. ha-yladim yasvu ba-xeder k-se hem loTasim the children sit(PAST)-PL in-the-room while-that they chew(BENONl)-MPL mastik. ' 41 The Active Participle and the Syntax of the Present Tense Sentence (2-50b) is characterized by the occurrence of the string k-se on the left margin of the adjunct phrase. This item is composed of a prepositional component, k-, followed by the finite complementizer se. Most if not all adjunct clauses in Hebrew overtly manifest a complementizer, (2-51). axarey-se qfter-that mipney-se due (to)-that biglal-se because-that lamrot-se despite-that The occurrence of the complementizer se signals the presence of a CP, and the presence of a preposition suggests that CP is embedded under a PP.

Gum The Benoni In Complex Tenses The auxiliary in compound tenses serves to anchor the tense specification of the sentence. Alongside (2-16a), which is specified as past tense, we have (2-17), where the tense is future. The difference between the two lies in the form of the auxiliary: in (2-16a), we have a past, and in (2-17), a future tense form of the verb be. The participle has the same form in both. ' smalot. dresses The claim that the participle lacks tense—embodied in the schema in (2-14)—is supported by the distribution of temporal adverbs.

The view I am thus defending is Chomsky's (1993), namely, that direct objects are marked for Case in some fashion (the mark may, naturally, be nonovert) and that Case is checked rather than assigned in a Spec-head configuration in AgrOP. Suppose further that Case features are represented on the direct object in the form of an X° category, K°. 24 (1-45) In LF, the KP moves to Spec/AgrO. I assume that indefinite direct objects are also KPs, but that the content of K° is phonetically unexpressed. et, in particular, its restriction to definite objects, suggests that more is at stake.

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